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A synagogue and Jewish-owned shops damaged in French riots

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 22 Oct 2026 19:19:13 +0000

(JTA) —PARIS – Jewish-owned shops in Marseille were set ablaze and a synagogue in Paris was vandalized as part of widespread property damage caused by riots across France October 17 and 18, according to the Jewish Community Protection Service.

It is too early to assess the full extent of the riots protesting the rising cost of living and the damage they’ve caused, but various elements in the media have described them as civil unrest and chaos.

From Lille in the north to Marseille in the south and in the major cities in between, media estimate that nearly 800,000 people took to the streets and some 2,000 shops were vandalized or looted. Public buildings were set on fire, and hundreds of people or more were injured, including 150 police officers, with thousands arrested.

The riots followed a student uprising that blocked entrances to high schools across the country in recent weeks. Palestinian flags and keffiyas have been a recurring motif in most of the violent protests, acts of vandalism, and looting.

But according to SPCJ, known as the Service de Protection de la Communaute Juive in French, there was no evidence that Jewish institutions or businesses were deliberately targeted.

Vandals broke into the Ohalei Yaakov synagogue in Paris’ 19th district overnight between Saturday and Sunday, Oct. 17 – 18. On Sunday morning, members of the Jewish community discovered that their temporary place of worship had been broken into. The permanent synagogue building is currently undergoing renovations.

Inside the sanctuary, prayer books, tefillin, and various objects — taken from boxes and cupboards — were found scattered on the floor. The rabbi’s office was also searched. Despite the mess, the Torah scrolls appeared to be unharmed.

According to a member of the synagogue committee, the incident primarily points to an attempted theft. The suspects may have been looking for money, but nothing was believed to be missing.

Photographs by Claude Lebranchu.

2026 Israeli elections: What you need to know

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 22 Oct 2026 19:16:19 +0000

(JTA) —On Oct. 27, Israelis cast their votes in a process that will determine who is prime minister and who sits in the 120-seat parliament, the Knesset. Since the country’s founding in 1948, there have been 14 prime ministers and 25 parliaments. The process from the ballet box to determining the next premier is complicated. Here’s how it works.

1. What are people actually voting for?

Technically, the vote cast is for a party. The leader of the party that garners the most votes, however, is most likely to become prime minister, provided they can form a government. But that does not happen right away. The formal election results, due to be published no later than Nov. 4, only set the process of forming a government and choosing a prime minister in motion.

2. How many people and what percent of Israelis are eligible to vote?

Some 7,331,981 Israelis are eligible to vote, which is 71.15% of the overall 10,305,000 population. In the last election in 2022, there were 6,788,804 eligible voters, who made up 70.31% of the 9,656,000 population.

Voter participation in Israel is typically high, and in that election, 70.63% of the eligible voters, 4,794,593 people, cast their votes.

3. How many votes does a party need to be in the Knesset, and how many parties are expected to secure that amount?

To enter the Knesset, a party needs the support of 3.25% of the votes cast, known as the threshold. That figure is the equivalent of four seats, known as mandates. Based on multiple recent polls, out of 38 registered parties, only 11 are expected to receive such support. Another four hover close to it. The party’s size also determines the number of parliamentarians it will have in the Knesset. The party leader that can gain enough allies to form a coalition becomes prime minister. Usually, this coalition has at least a majority of parliamentarians – 61 of 120 seats – but it’s not a requirement. Minority governments led by Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, 1993-1996 held a plurality, but not a majority, of the seats. They were able to govern with the support of parties outside the coalition.

Parties predetermine their list of potential parliamentarians and rank them prior to the election, either through primaries or unilateral decisions by the party leader. The bigger the percentage of the vote they receive, the higher the number of members that party gets to send to the legislature. Voting in Israel is often a strategy game, where people choose between making sure their vote counts by supporting a party certain to enter the Knesset or risk making their vote insignificant by backing a party that doesn’t hit that mark.

4. Who are the prime contenders?

Incumbent Benjamin Netanyahu, who heads the ruling Likud Party, is vying to hold onto the premiership. According to most polls, the person who is leading, however, is former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot, who heads a newly formed party, Yashar. But a parliamentary system is not a two-party system and technically any leader of a party that passes the threshold and who is also slated to enter parliament can become prime minister if they can form a coalition that can secure the support of a Knesset majority. It is usually the case, though, that the head of the largest party is given first shot at coalition building.

5. How are the coalitions lining up now?

In many past elections, blocs were linked by common ideology, with some of the dividing lines being the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, social welfare policies or religious issues. Netanyahu’s record as the longest-serving prime minister in Israeli history has increasingly turned campaigns from ones based on issues to personality. The blocs are more about who supports Netanyahu and who doesn’t than any other issue, allowing for parties on the right and the left to band together in ways that previously might not have been considered possible.

Heading into the home stretch of the election, Netanyahu’s bloc of right-wing and ultra-Orthodox parties slightly trailed Eisenkot’s bloc, which ranges from right-wing to left-wing and includes parties that are more or less in the center of the ideological spectrum – one that has swung sharply right in the decades following the Second Intifada and Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attacks.

But polls show neither bloc over 61, so the direction of the next government will likely be determined by a handful of smaller parties that are struggling to pass the 3.25% vote threshold or Arab parties that Zionist parties usually have not been willing to include in governing coalitions. The government led by Naftali Bennett 2021-2022 included an Arab party in the coalition, but not among its ministers. The Rabin-Peres 1993-1996 governments had the support of Arab parties outside the coalition.

6. Once results are in, what must happen to swear in a new government?

Within a seven-day period after the formal election results are published, Israeli President Isaac Herzog will decide who is given the first shot at forming a government, based on which party leader in the Knesset he believes has the best chance to pull in enough parties to create a governing coalition. The candidate must be a Knesset member but his (this year, all the viable parties are led by men) party does not need to have the largest number of votes or even the second-largest.

Herzog will make his determination after holding private audiences with all the party heads and receiving recommendations from them on which Knesset member they would support for the premiership. The candidate Herzog chooses has 28 days to form a governing coalition, with the possibility of a 14-day extension. That coalition must then be approved by a majority of the Knesset members present for the vote. During those 28-plus days, the prime ministerial candidate seeks to sway parties to join his coalition, often by promising powerful ministerial positions and agreeing to support their policy agenda. It’s a delicate balancing act because some parties refuse to sit with other parties or would not want to sit in a coalition that advances certain agenda items.

7. What if that candidate for premiership fails to form a government?

Should the first prime ministerial candidate fail, the president has three days to choose another candidate, often the Knesset member who heads the second-largest party. The only requirement is for the candidate to be a Knesset member. The same 28-day timeline applies, but with no extension if that candidate fails. The president could also decide not to appoint a candidate and to inform the Knesset that no candidate can form a government, a position the president is required to take if the second candidate for premiership fails to form a government.

8. What happens if the president tells the Knesset no government can be formed?

There is a 21-day period during which 61 parliamentarians can petition the president to grant a candidate, who must be a Knesset member, the power to form a government. The president has two days to grant that request and gives the candidate 14 days to form a government, which then needs the support of the Knesset. If no petition arrives or the appointed candidate fails to form a government, the Knesset dissolves and a new 90-day election cycle begins.

9. Can the Knesset legislate during the process of forming a government?

Yes. The 120 members of the 26th Knesset will be sworn into office 14 days after Oct. 27 and begin legislating without a government or a prime minister. The Knesset is dissolved within months, however, if a government cannot be formed and a new election is called. In the interim, the outgoing prime minister and his government remain in power in a lame-duck capacity.

Gloria Steinem, Jewish feminist trailblazer

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 10 Sep 2026 16:24:40 +0000

Ron Kampeas
(JTA) — Gloria Steinem, the trailblazing feminist who turbocharged the women’s rights movement’s second wave by casting the liberation of women as part of the broader project of eliminating other bigotries including antisemitism, died at 92 on Wednesday, Sept. 2.

“Yesterday, Gloria Steinem passed away peacefully at her home in New York City, surrounded by some of the many who loved her,” read a post on her Instagram account. “Gloria’s near-century on earth were years well-lived, and she continued working for equality until the very end.”

Steinem began her career as a journalist before moving to activism in 1969 after writing a story about women who’d suffered through illegal abortions. From there she became one of the most identifiable leaders of a movement that helped transform the daily experience of women in America.

Steinem was born in Toledo, Ohio, in 1934 to a Jewish father, Leo Steinem, and a Protestant mother, Ruth Nuneviller.

Her Jewish background informed her understanding of how oppression is structural and interrelated among targeted groups.

“Never in my life have I identified myself as a Christian, but wherever there is antisemitism, I identify as a Jew,” her friend and her fellow co-founder of the seminal magazine, Ms., Letty Cottin Pogrebin, quoted Steinem as saying in a profile she wrote for the Jewish Women’s Archive encyclopedia of Jewish women.

Steinem’s father, who booked musical acts and who sold antiques on the road, was a “wonderful, kind, charming, utterly irresponsible man,” she said.
He left the family when Steinem was 10 years old and Steinem – whose older sister was away at college – became primarily responsible for caring for her mentally fragile mother.

Yet it was her mother Ruth who instilled Steinem with her understanding of her Jewish background. It helped shape Steinem’s understanding of how one group may deprive another of essential rights.

“Steinem remembered that when she was 8 or so, her mother encouraged her to listen to a radio dramatization of Jewish torment under the Nazis and the story of a mother who could not get enough food for her little girl,” Cottin Pogrebin wrote. “‘This is going on in the world’,” Ruth Steinem said, ‘and we must know about it.’”

Steinem never shook the lesson. In 1981, speaking at Cornell University, she said liberating women was inextricable from liberating other vulnerable populations.

“We know, when we look at women and blacks in this country, or at women and Jews in Nazi Germany, or in South Africa, we understand that these two caste systems are interdependent and truly can only be fought together,” Steinem told the students.

It was a radical reimagining of what feminism meant, and was reflected in Steinem’s insistence on advocacy for others. Her outspoken support for minorities, for LGBTQ individuals and for others unsettled some second wave feminists. (The first wave was the suffragette movement, which decades earlier had brought about the right for women to vote.)

In the 1981 Cornell lecture, Steinem laid the groundwork for what would become known as intersectionality.

“Politics is any power relationship in our daily lives,” she said. “Any time one group of people or one person is habitually dominant over one another group or person, not because of experience or talent, but simply because of group of birth, whether that is race or sex or class, that is politics. That is a power relationship, and that is deserving of change.”

Her advocacy helped poison her relationship with an early ally, Betty Friedan, the Jewish feminist who launched second wave feminism with her 1963 book, The Feminine Mystique. Friedan believed the movement should remain focused on women’s liberation and dismissed Steinem as a grandstander.
“The media tried to make her a celebrity,” Friedan said of Steinem in 1972, “but no one would mistake her for a leader.”

Yet it was Steinem’s broader understanding of women’s rights as part and parcel of liberation movements that led her to sign a letter three years later decrying the United Nations General Assembly resolution equating Zionism with racism.

“We are appalled at the ‘racist’ label applied solely to the national self-determination movement of the Jewish people,” said the letter – spearheaded, as it happened, by Steinem’s erstwhile rival Friedan. “We decry this implicit denial of Israeli statehood and this incitement to worldwide anti-Semitism.”

It was signed by 60 women, including the pantheon of Jewish second wave feminists, among them: Bella Abzug, the New York congresswoman; Joan Ganz Cooney, the co-creator of Sesame Street; Nora Ephron, the essayist and filmmaker; and Beverly Sills, the opera diva.

Steinem later joined in advocacy to release Ida Nudel, the Soviet Jewish refusenik.

She could be critical of Israel. In 2019, she swore not to visit Israel while Benjamin Netanyahu was prime minister after he came under pressure from President Donald Trump and banned entry to two Muslim congresswomen who are strident critics of Israel, Rashida Tlaib and Ilhan Omar.

She recalled a dinner in the 1980s she attended with Netanyahu, which she evidently did not enjoy. “You were a conversational bully to your guest, just as you are a bully to these two elected women leaders now,” she said in a statement.

Steinem herself was descended from Jewish feminist royalty – but did not know it until she was an adult, when she was enlightened by a feminist who was writing a monograph about her grandmother.

“I had a Jewish suffragist grandmother, Pauline Perlmutter Steinem, who died when I was about five,” Steinem wrote for the Jewish Women’s Archive. “She had addressed Congress, but nobody told me about that. They told me that she was a wonderful woman who kept a kosher table, had four sons, and was a pioneer of vocational education – different measurements of success – but not that she was also the first woman to be elected to a Board of Education in the state of Ohio, as a suffragist on the same ticket with the socialists and the anarchists.”

Cottin Pogrebin wrote that Steinem maintained at least one Jewish tradition for years.

“Every Passover for over 20 years, she joined a small group of ‘seder sisters’ — E. M. Broner, Phyllis Chesler, Lilly Rivlin, Michelle Landsberg, Bea Kreloff, Edith Isaac-Rose, and Letty Cottin Pogrebin — Jewish women in New York City who planned and performed a women’s seder, usually on the third night of Passover,” Cottin Pogrebin recalled in her Steinem entry in the Jewish women’s encyclopedia. “The founding premise of this seder was that women matter, that women must be acknowledged for their roles in the Exodus story and their current struggle for equality in Jewish life.”

Steinem did not marry until she was 66, when she wed David Bale, a South African activist who died three years later of cancer. She dated powerful men, many of them Jewish, including film director Mike Nichols and media magnate Mort Zuckerman.

Steinem was a lightning rod for the right wing, in part because she would not eschew glamour.

Midge Decter, a Jewish cofounder of the neoconservative movement, described in her autobiography, An Old Wife’s Tale, a debate she had with Steinem.

“Gloria was unforgettable that evening, for she turned up in a crotch high suede skirt and knee-high suede boots and kept warning the men in the audience that she and women like her were dead serious, and no longer were women going to put up with being their playthings,” Decter wrote. “Where I grew up we used to call that ‘teasing.’”

Steinem began her career as a journalist, famously going undercover as a Playboy bunny in 1963 to expose how grueling the work was. But she brought an unstinting seriousness to her career as an advocate, which began in 1969 after she attended, on assignment, a gathering of women who described their illegal abortions. The experience – and the memory of her own secret abortion in 1957 – radicalized her.

“They spoke about the dangerous illegal underground they had to enter, about bargaining with illegal abortionists, dealing with men who demanded sex before performing an abortion – incredible stories” Steinem wrote in her Jewish Women’s Archive essay. “For me it was like a big light coming on. I had had an abortion and never told anyone – not a girlfriend, not the man, nobody.”

She was a political columnist for New York Magazine: Her next essay was After Black Power, Women’s Liberation. She never looked back.
Steinem lived long enough to see many of the successes she helped bring reversed – including, perhaps most painfully, the 2022 overturning of Roe v. Wade, the 1972 Supreme Court decision identifying the right to an abortion.”

“I don’t feel my work or the work of all the women and men who care about racial and sex equality has been struck down,” she told NPR then. “It’s just that it has a roadblock now, theoretically coming from the highest court in the land, but actually will impose hardships unequally but will not change the fact that we either have decision-making power over our own bodies, women and men, or there is no democracy.”

Her credo, Steinem said in a joint 2015 New York Times interview with an old friend and Jewish feminist trailblazer, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the late Supreme Court justice, was kindness.

“Kindness matters enormously. And empathy. Finding some point of connection,” Steinem said then.

She also advised never standing down. “The great thing about obstacles is that they cause you to identify with other groups of people who are facing obstacles,” she said.

My family runs to our safe room when the sirens sound. I try to believe it’s enough.

Jewish Telegraph Association — Fri, 06 Mar 2026 14:43:40 +0000

MODIIN, Israel — To get a sense of what life is like in Israel these days, consider the circumstances in which air raid sirens have caught me over the last several days:

Reading the Purim megillah in a school bomb shelter near my synagogue. We closed the door when the siren sounded, causing us to lose the internet connection we were using to broadcast the megillah reading over Zoom.

Grilling barbeque. After the siren, I had just seconds to grab my burgers, kebabs and sausages off the open-air grill so they wouldn’t burn or be snatched by an enterprising cat.

While grocery shopping at a Rami Levy supermarket, I and other shoppers were herded into the bomb shelter that doubles as the supermarket synagogue (a common feature of Rami Levy supermarkets).

Going to sleep; in a deep sleep; about to wake up.

On a walk to the corner park for a breath of fresh air, then sprinting home to make it to shelter in time.

On work calls; doing work; thinking about doing work.

While writing a piece about what it’s like to live in Israel during the latest war with Iran.

To be sure, I am among the fortunate ones. My home was built with a mamad — the Hebrew word that’s an acronym for “apartment safe space.” Mandated by a 1992 law for all new construction, these reinforced safe rooms include walls designed to withstand explosives of a certain level of intensity, a shatterproof window protected by a heavy steel shutter, and a thick, steel door.

Originally meant to protect Israelis from the sorts of gas attacks that Iraq’s Saddam Hussein threatened to use during the 1991 Gulf War, the safe rooms were used on Oct. 7 by Israelis living in communities near Gaza to shelter from Hamas assailants — with varying degrees of success. The doors and windows proved to be bullet-proof, but Hamas attackers managed to force their way into some of the rooms nonetheless, including by setting fire to homes.

Mamads are a terrific convenience. I can put my children to sleep in the private bomb shelter, and they usually sleep right through the sirens at night. I don’t have to share my shelter with strangers, or run outside and into some dank public shelter filled with dead cockroaches, as others do who live in older buildings without mamads. I don’t have to lay down to rest in subway stations, like friends in Tel Aviv.

But mamads are not bombproof. They weren’t built to withstand ballistic missile attacks, and a direct strike by an Iranian missile or drone likely will destroy a mamad and kill its occupants. That’s exactly what happened when an Iranian missile struck a shelter in the Israeli city of Beit Shemesh on Sunday night, killing nine people and wreaking a wide radius of devastation.

So, in this war mamads are part psychological shield, part actual protection. They’ll withstand deadly shrapnel and some indirect explosions, but they have their limits.

Inside the mamad, we hear all kinds of sounds of war. There are the shuddering booms of Israel’s anti-missile defenses firing, and massive metallic bangs that my wife thinks are falling shrapnel or missiles strikes in the vicinity. I’m not sure what they are, and when I asked a missile expert I know who helped design the Arrow system about them, he refused to answer me.

We hear Israeli warplanes. It’s not clear whether they’re patrolling the skies above our heads as a defense measure or are en route to bombing runs in Iran.

Perhaps the most startling sound of all is the blaring mobile phone notification we get alerting of an incoming rocket attack and warning us to be close to a bomb shelter. The earsplitting, high-frequency alert is a very nasty sound to wake up to at 4 a.m., especially when it arrives in stereo from the four different mobile phones in our house.

Then we must wait several minutes to learn if we’ll actually get an air raid siren or not. When the siren comes, we supposedly have 90 seconds to reach shelter, but the booms often start sooner than that.

As in many homes, our family has a running debate over when it’s safe to exit the mamad. Is 10 to 12 minutes from the time of the air raid siren sufficient, or do we have to wait for the official all-clear phone alert? Sometimes, we get another air raid siren before the 10-minute count is up, and the clock starts all over again.

With in-person school canceled for the foreseeable future, all my children are home all the time, and we’ve started to get on each other’s nerves. But in the middle of the night, nobody complains when we crowd into the mamad and share blankets and small camping mattresses on the floor so we all can lie down.

The people subject to Israeli and U.S. bombardment have it much worse. Their leaders invested in ballistic missiles, attack drones and other weapons of war. We have those too, but we also developed sophisticated alert systems, in-house safe rooms, bomb shelters and, crucially, a variety of anti-missile defenses: Iron Dome for shorter-range missiles, like those fired by Hezbollah and Hamas; the Arrow, which counters ballistic missiles in the upper atmosphere and lower space; the new Iron Beam, a laser that works like the Iron Dome; David’s Sling, designed for medium-range ballistic missiles.

And, of course, there is the Israeli Air Force, which shoots down missiles en route and bombs missile-launching systems on the ground in enemy territory.

If Israel’s enemies were more concerned with the welfare of their own people rather than attacking the Jewish state, perhaps we wouldn’t have this war in the first place.

I’d write more, but there goes the air raid siren again (no joke)!

Will federal security grants require synagogues to cooperate with ICE? Concerns are running high

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 04 Sep 2025 21:32:22 +0000

Asaf Elia-Shalev
(JTA) — With $274 million in federal security grants about to go up for grabs, dozens of progressive Jewish groups and several synagogues say they are boycotting the program.

In an open letter launched last month, they said they can’t accept the strings attached to the money, despite the risk of being targeted with violence. The letter comes in response to new requirements that grantees support federal immigration enforcement and avoid programs advancing diversity introduced earlier this year by the Department of Homeland Security.

“We are committed to upholding our communal values and will not comply with these repressive conditions,” reads the letter.

The letter arrives as some Jewish leaders press those in need of funds to apply, arguing that objections may be settled before recipients must formally agree to the conditions.

Many of the signatories are progressive groups, including Bend the Arc: Jewish Action and pro-Palestinian groups such as IfNotNow and Jewish Voice for Peace.

But they also include a handful of nonpartisan synagogues. Other synagogues independently have also decided to boycott the program as long as the controversial conditions are in place.

“Jewish safety requires inclusive democracy, and inclusive democracy requires Jewish safety. We do not comply so we will not apply,” Jill Maderer, the senior rabbi at Rodeph Shalom in Philadelphia, posted on Facebook. She declined to be interviewed.

Meanwhile, one rabbi, facing what he described as a choice between his congregation’s safety and his sacred obligations, says he wishes to speak out. But he agreed to discuss the matter only anonymously, fearing that public protest could endanger two community members who are refugees.

“Money is being given to us on condition that we violate a specific mitzvah,” the rabbi says, referring to the religious commandment to welcome strangers. “I don’t see how we can possibly accept that money.”

Anxiety over the Nonprofit Security Grant Program, which Jewish groups have long sought to expand, represents the latest instance of some American Jews saying that Trump administration policies force their priorities and values into conflict. The unease is heightened by the administration’s chaotic rollout with mainstream Jewish organizations working intensely behind the scenes to shape the policies while offering a limited public response.

“Jewish Federations of North America strongly encourage institutions in our communities to apply for critical, life-saving Nonprofit Security Grant Program funds,” JFNA’s CEO, Eric Fingerhut, says. “We are working closely with DHS and stand ready to provide guidance to any institution seeking support around this process and raise any issues that come up along the way.”

A spokesperson for the organization, which represents 141 local Jewish federations, says officials there had come away from meetings with DHS optimistic that Jewish institutions would not need to compromise on their values to secure the security grants.

JFNA was a leading force in building the grant program, which is run by the Federal Emergency Management Agency under DHS. Created in 2004 and expanded after the Tree of Life synagogue shooting in 2018, it is the main federal source of money for houses of worship and nonprofits to bolster protection against terrorism and hate-motivated violence. Rising concerns about antisemitic attacks have sharply increased demand for the grants, for which Jewish groups have also encouraged other houses of worship to apply.

The grants can cover things like cameras, alarm and alert systems, hired guards, fencing and barriers, or screening tools such as metal detectors. They are meant to help nonprofits deemed at high risk of terrorist or extremist violence strengthen both physical and digital security.

Amy Spitalnick, CEO of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, shares many of the concerns raised by groups to her left but is still urging congregational rabbis and lay leaders to apply. Submitting applications now, she says, gives communities time before deciding whether to accept the funds — time in which the Trump administration could yet rescind the controversial conditions.

“There is a deadline by which they have to apply, and the terms and conditions only kick in if you accept the funding, so there is still time,” she says.

On the conditions concerning immigration enforcement, the Trump administration might have already retreated, a development that isn’t yet widely understood in part because of confusing and contradictory messaging by the administration.

Since April, those closely observing the DHS communications have been whiplashed by conflicting directives, first exempting synagogues from immigration enforcement rules, then suggesting those rules still apply.

DHS had unveiled conditions that were said to apply to all DHS funding, part of a broader Trump administration effort to wield the federal bureaucracy for political purposes.

Soon after, 20 states filed a lawsuit arguing that it is illegal to condition government funding on assisting with federal immigration enforcement, handled through the agency known as ICE. One immediate impetus for the lawsuit was the worry that the Trump administration would withhold disaster recovery funds from victims of the devastating wildfires in Los Angeles earlier this year.

In a June 6 filing, federal lawyers defended the immigration-related conditions by saying they wouldn’t be applied to a range of grant programs including the one for securing nonprofits. Then, in late July, DHS appeared to confirm the exception when it gave official notice for this year’s nonprofit security grants.

The relief was short-lived because about two weeks later, on August 13, DHS released another notice featuring new language that seemed to contradict the earlier exemption. The notice said the immigration conditions “may be material to the Department of Homeland Security’s decision to make this grant award, and the Department of Homeland Security may take any remedy for noncompliance.”

Spitalnick, whose team has been tracking the issue for months, communicating regularly with federal and state officials, says she was told the latest language is a mistake that will be corrected in a forthcoming notice.

She acknowledges how dizzying the bureaucracy can be for prospective applicants.

“We have heard extensive confusion and concern from national, state, and local Jewish and interfaith partners,” she says.

To clear things up — and because rules against diversity and inclusion work are firmly in place — Spitalnick sent a letter pleading with DHS Secretary Kristi Noem.

“The Jewish community is incredibly diverse — from LGBTQ+ Jews, to Jews of Color, to immigrant and refugee Jews,” she wrote to Noem.

“Many synagogues and Jewish institutions host programs and services to engage and support these vital parts of our community, as well as to support and advance core Jewish values of justice, charity, and equity with our neighbors and in our broader communities and society.”

The letter continues, “Our communities desperately rely on this security funding — and they need clarity that what they are agreeing to in accepting these funds won’t force them to override their deeply held religious values and beliefs.”

It wouldn’t be the first time the Trump administration retreated after placing controversial conditions on government money. Earlier this year, the Trump administration floated a requirement that applicants for disaster relief funds pledge not to support boycotts of Israel. While that provision was withdrawn after legal and political pushback, vague language against “discriminatory prohibited boycott” still appears in broader DHS rules, leaving some uncertainty about enforcement.

DHS didn’t respond to specific questions from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, instead releasing a statement saying the department “will no longer fund grant projects that don’t align with President Trump’s priorities.”

“Unlike the previous administration, grants will no longer be used to support DEI agendas, and illegal aliens in our country,” the statement says. “These Biden focused initiatives don’t serve the interest of the American People.”

Beyond Spitalnick and JCPA, many national Jewish organizations are not publicly engaging with the concern that, for some congregations, the Trump administration’s terms force the dilemma of choosing between security and conviction.

Two groups that have long championed the grant program, the Anti-Defamation League and Secure Community Network, didn’t respond to questions from JTA.

Major Jewish groups urge synagogues to seek federal security grants despite Trump’s terms

JTA Staff
(JTA) — Six major Jewish organizations that have pushed to expand federal funding for synagogue security are urging Jewish institutions to apply again for the grants despite any concerns about the Trump administration and its terms for grantees.

In an unusual joint statement, the groups say they are confident that receiving funds from the Nonprofit Security Grant Program will not require compromising religious values.

The statement does not name any particular concerns but comes shortly after some synagogues and Jewish groups said they would not apply this year because of terms requiring grantees to support federal immigration enforcement at a time when the Trump administration is mounting a major campaign against immigrants.

“While we are aware that questions have arisen on the part of certain religious institutions regarding the current year’s program criteria, our organizations strongly urge all eligible institutions to apply for this critical resource,” the major organizations said in their statement. “We are in regular contact with government officials who have affirmed their continued commitment to protecting the safety of all faith-based institutions and the values they hold.”

The statement was issued Tuesday, September 2 by Jewish Federations of North America, the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, the Anti-Defamation League, and three groups that focus solely on Jewish security issues: the Secure Community Network, Community Security Initiative NY, and Community Security Service.

This year, $274 million is on the table

On Shabbat morning in my Jerusalem synagogue, I began to see our complex world anew

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 04 Sep 2025 20:56:39 +0000

Jon Polin
(JTA) —When I walked into the small, ramshackle gymnasium that is our humble synagogue on Shabbat morning this past week, pictures of the 14 children from the congregation who would be starting first grade on Monday decorated the walls. It must have been one of their parents who thought to surround the photos with quotes from my favorite Mishnah, Avot 4:1.

One drawing of “Who is wise? The one who learns from everyone.”

One drawing of “Who is mighty? The one who subdues their evil inclination.”

One drawing of “Who is rich? The one who rejoices in what they have.”

One drawing of “Who is honored? The one who honors their fellow human beings.”

These are beautiful blessings for children, for all of us, including our decision-makers. It was uplifting to see.

The decorations show that what is really special about our synagogue in a corner of southeast Jerusalem is what happens when the community gathers. Every attempt to decorate the space for a bar or bat mitzvah or any other occasion is an exercise in creativity and connection.

During my year of mourning since our son Hersh was killed in captivity in Gaza, I accepted the custom to not lead prayer services as the shaliach tzibbur on Shabbat or holidays. I’m not a particularly good shaliach tzibbur anyway, but I am generally willing. When Aharon the gabbai (who organizes the services) approached me as I was absorbing the photos and teachings on the wall and asked me if I would lead the opening part of the service, the Psukei D’zimra, I was thrown momentarily. I hadn’t performed any formal task at my synagogue since the cursed morning of Oct. 7, 2023, when I was in the role that Aharon is in today, gabbai. Was I now ready to take this step out of formal mourning? “OK,” I said, and I got up and started. “Rabbi Yishmael says on 13 principles the Torah is interpreted…”

The photos of these children about to begin their educational journeys, the teachings on the wall, and my small personal step in the transition out of the community of mourners (is there ever really a way out from this group?) and back into the broader community led me to see my morning in synagogue in a sharpened light. Perhaps those few hours in my wonderful synagogue was a microcosm of the realities, the emotional complexities, of our world today.

As every week for far too many weeks, when Torah reading began, cards with the name, photo and brief biography of each hostage were circulated. It’s so important that we know the hostages as real people, individuals with dreams and families and passions. This week, I got Eitan Horn’s card. I already knew that Eitan was visiting his brother Iair on Kibbutz Nir Oz and that he’s a Hapoel Beer Sheva fan and an informal educator who served as an emissary in Peru and is a beloved uncle and brother and son, but all the hostages’ personal stories must be continuously read and reinforced.

The Torah portion, Parashat Shoftim, contains so many lessons on national ethics and moral governance, perhaps most famously, the phrase “Tzedek Tzedek Tirdof” (justice, justice shall you pursue). Of the thousands of explanations to explain the repetitive “Tzedek Tzedek,” the one I find most compelling and relevant for us today is that one Tzedek implores us to have just goals and one Tzedek is there to ensure that the path to achieve those just goals must also be rooted in justice.

Later in the Torah reading, friends of ours, a couple much younger than us, came up to the bimah to name their newborn daughter, a baby born into this complicated reality that must get better — a baby whose father, a doctor, performed hundreds of days of reserve duty in this ongoing war. How fitting, therefore, that they named her Roni Tzion. Roni means “sing” or “rejoice,” but it’s in the feminine command form, as if to instruct this innocent baby that she must find it in her to rejoice. Tzion is a biblical reference (first appearing in Samuel 2) to Jerusalem and subsequently used in Jewish liturgy and poetry to convey our national longing (Zionism). It’s as if, as a community, we are manifesting our national longing for something better, a reason to rejoice, in this adorable baby.

Between the sixth and seventh aliyot of Torah reading, for the 97th straight week, our community stood together to recite a prayer for the safe return of our beloved hostages, followed by the soulful song that has become the anthem for the hostages. “Our brothers and sisters, the whole house of Israel, who are given over to trouble or captivity, whether they abide on the sea or on the dry land: May the All-present have mercy upon them, and bring them forth from trouble to relief, from darkness to light, and from subjugation to redemption, now speedily and at a near time. Now let us say, Amen.”

We moved on to the Haftarah. A young man began the blessings in a beautiful but uncommon tune, the traditional Italian (but not Roman, as Rome has its own melody) version. I couldn’t help but to look around the room and notice, in addition to the native Israeli Sabra majority, immigrants hailing from Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, Ireland, Italy, Russia, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States and elsewhere. Kibbutz Galuyot (the ingathering of the exiles) is alive and thriving — Jews from all over the world in one synagogue, united to strengthen Israel and giving all we have to make it better.

As the prayers concluded, the 14 children starting first grade were seated in front of the room. In a uniquely Israeli ceremony, the grownups serenaded these children with songs about the beauty of the Aleph-Bet and the treasure trove that is education. The children ate cookies in the shape of Hebrew letters, dipped in honey. How sweet is education, Jewish education in the land of Israel. How promising is the potential of what these children will be empowered to do with this treasure trove. And how Israeli, that in their “What I wish for” notes, so many of these kids wrote, “That all our hostages will come home soon.”

With 48 hostages still held in captivity in Gaza, our Shabbat morning work would be incomplete without the 3-minute walk to a main intersection, the Oranim Junction, to join the weekly Shabbat-observant (no microphones, no cameras) vigil for the hostages. Hundreds of people from southeast Jerusalem’s diverse community — men with kippot, men with uncovered heads, women in skirts, women in pants, elderly in wheelchairs, babies in strollers — joined together beseeching the Creator of the Universe, yet again, to hasten the return of our loved ones.

As I headed to Shabbat lunch, I found myself digesting the intersection of the personal and the communal, the balance between finding joy and not slowing down on the critical work to save our hostages. I find myself hoping that the small step I took in leading Psukei D’zimra may lead to another small step for me, for my family, for our country, for Am Yisrael. Most of all, I think of our young people and of baby Roni Tzion, and I pray that soon we all find a reason, and a way, to manifest a level of sweetness and joy as we embrace the return of our 48.

Jon Polin is the father of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, who was murdered while in captivity by Hamas.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media.

On Monday my son was sworn into the IDF. I spent that afternoon protesting the Israeli government.

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 07 Aug 2025 18:55:12 +0000

(JTA) — On Monday, July 28, my son was inducted into the IDF. He started thinking about joining as a hayal boded, a “lone soldier” (someone who makes aliyah alone with the intention of serving) while in high school. After his friend was murdered by Hamas terrorists at the Nova Festival, his decision became clear. The time was now. As a Zionist, a rabbi, and a father watching my son come into his own as an adult, I’m deeply proud of him.

On the same day as my son was handed a rifle and a Bible and sworn in, I made my way down from Westchester County into Manhattan, to join hundreds of other concerned rabbis, American Jews, and Israeli Americans to protest outside the Israeli consulate. We called for Israel to let a surge of food and other aid into Gaza now, for the hostages to be released unconditionally and immediately, and for an end to the war. I had never spoken at a rally before, but when Rabbi Jill Jacobs of T’ruah: The Rabbinic Call for Human Rights invited me, the time felt right.

This might seem odd. But in fact, it makes perfect sense to me that I was (and am) publicly criticizing the Israeli government when my son is serving in the IDF. My stake in the future of Israel as a democratic state with a moral army is greater than ever.

This month, we began reading from the book of Deuteronomy. It is Moses’ swan song. In his final days, he imparts wisdom to the people of Israel. Yet it is a book of contradictions. Moses takes credit for things suggested to him in the Book of Exodus. And events that took place in Numbers are recalled differently than how they originally occurred. Things are not quite as they seem.

The same seems to be true in Gaza. Photos are shared without their full context; reports of Hamas stealing food are later revised by the IDF itself. In this blizzard of ideological fiction, how are any of us supposed to know what’s true? How are any of us to know what is the right thing to do?

Here is what we do know. There is hunger and starvation in Gaza. We need to state this loud and clear. We know that even when aid makes it in, it’s often only fit young men who have any shot at fighting for it. The aid isn’t reaching many who need it. Too many have not eaten in days. Hospitals in Gaza say they have cut meals from three a day to one.

I expect my son to uphold the concept of purity of arms that is at the heart of the IDF’s moral code. I pray that the words in the Torah, upholding the ideal that each person is made b’tzelem elohim, in the image of God, will guide him. I pray that the most often quoted sections of Torah, to care for the powerless and to love your neighbor — all neighbors — remain forefront in his mind. Everyone, especially innocent victims caught in the crossfire of this quagmire now over 660 days long, deserves freedom from want and freedom from fear.

So, standing outside the Israeli consulate in New York City, I called on the government of Israel to do all they could to avert a deterioration of the crisis. I called on the government of Israel to abandon the mistaken idea that withholding aid weakens Hamas. I called on Israel to do that which is counterintuitive: Flood Gaza with food. It’s the right move morally. It’s the right move strategically.

I spoke as a rabbi who loves Israel, who wants Israelis to be safe, and who desperately wants this war to end — a Jew who desperately wants the hostages home.

Finally, I spoke as a father, who wants my son, and everyone’s children, to be safe, which I know will only happen when there is a just peace and a long-term political solution that protects the human rights of everyone in that land, no matter their ethnic, religious or national origin.
This is my prayer for Israel, and for my son: Bring the hostages home. Surge aid into Gaza. End the war.

Achshav. Now.

Rabbi Daniel Gropper is the spiritual leader of Community Synagogue of Rye in Rye, N.Y., where he has served since 2003. He is the immediate past president of the Westchester Board of Rabbis, serves on the executive committee of Repair the World, and is a founding member of the Rye Interfaith Clergy Association.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media, or of Jewish News.

Charlotte rabbi: The antisemitic attacks are painful.The silence from our trusted partners is excruciating.

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 12 Jun 2025 18:08:03 +0000

Rabbi Asher Knight
(JTA) — My family has lived in Colorado for generations. I was in touch with my mother and cousins following the firebombing attack on people marching to call attention to the hostages held in Gaza. In my mind, I can visualize exactly where it happened.

In just the last 50 days: arson at the Pennsylvania governor’s residence; assaults on Jews in the streets; vandalism of schools, synagogues and businesses; two murdered outside a Jewish event in Washington, D.C., and a firebomb attack on a peaceful gathering in Boulder that injured 15, including a Holocaust survivor.

In several of these cases, attackers shouted, “Free Palestine.” Or they said it when they were caught. Or the graffiti they wrote said it. These are not political statements. These are acts of antisemitic terror.

But something else makes this moment even more painful.

The silence.

I serve as the senior rabbi of Temple Beth El, the largest synagogue in the Carolinas. For years, our clergy and community have shown up. We have marched for racial justice, stood for LGBTQ+ rights, defended reproductive freedom, and worked alongside churches, faith communities of every kind and community partners to build a more just Charlotte. We have worked steadfastly with public schools and stood arm in arm at vigils and rallies. We showed up, again and again, because our faith commands us to.

And now, as Jews are being attacked in the streets, harassed on campuses and set on fire, the silence from many of our trusted partners is devastating.

We have not heard from many of the clergy or political leaders who regularly speak out for compassion, equity, and peace.

We have not heard from those who have insisted repeatedly that anti-Zionism is not antisemitism.

When Jews are targeted, burned, and killed under banners of “Free Palestine,” those voices have now fallen all too silent.

That silence sends a deafening message: that Jewish safety is negotiable. That Jewish lives are less urgent. That the grief of Jews burned alive is not worthy of their compassion or outrage. It leaves us feeling alone. It forces us to wonder if our safety matters.

To our friends, our partners in justice, our fellow clergy, our neighbors in the work of healing the world: Where are you?

If you believe in peace, now is the time to say that violence is never acceptable.

If you believe in justice, now is the time to reject hatred in all its forms.

If you believe that all people are created in the image of God (the text you cite is Jewish, by the way), now is the time to say that Jewish people are also created in the image of God.

You can grieve for Gaza and innocent life and still say that burning Jews alive is wrong.

You can challenge Israeli policy and still know that Jews everywhere are not responsible for it.

If you care about justice, say something. Stand for what is right. Do not let hate go unanswered.

Why? Because there is no liberation in setting people on fire. There is no justice in chasing Jews from public spaces. And you should know that hatred that is allowed to grow never stays contained. It always spreads. It always finds new victims and the people peddling in it will always create new grievances to justify more violence.

Say something. Silence is not love. Silence feels like abandonment. We need you to speak up. We have stood together for justice. Please do not disappear. We are still here. We need to know that you are too.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA or its parent company, 70 Faces Media or of Jewish News.

World Zionist Congress election results: Surge in US turnout, Reform slate wins most

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 12 Jun 2025 18:05:55 +0000

(JTA) — More than 230,000 American Jews voted in the 2025 election for the World Zionist Congress, setting a new turnout record and nearly doubling participation compared to the last election five years ago, according to preliminary results released Thursday, June 5 by the American Zionist Movement.

The tally excludes nearly 20,000 votes that the body overseeing the election determined had been cast fraudulently and disqualified.
The results suggest heightened interest among American Jews in shaping Zionist priorities, as 152 delegates from the United States — nearly one-third of the 525-member Congress — prepare to travel to Jerusalem this October to help decide how more than $1 billion in annual funding will be allocated to Jewish and Israeli institutions.

The right-wing and Orthodox bloc repeated its strength from the last election, appearing to once again secure a majority of votes despite a surge in support for several leading liberal slates.

The top vote-getter was the Vote Reform slate, representing the Reform movement, U.S. Jewry’s largest denomination, with about 48,000 votes. The liberal-leaning slate won some 16,000 more votes than the last election, when it also placed first, but its vote share dropped from 26% to 21%. The slate said the result shows that the Reform movement is the leading voice of American Jewry.

“This is more than just a win for our slate — it is a resounding mandate for the values we champion,” Rabbi Rick Jacobs, president of the Union for Reform Judaism, said.

Am Yisrael Chai came in second place with about 32,00 votes, or about 14% of the total. Positioned as a centrist and Orthodox voice, the slate proved successful in courting Jewish college students and young professionals with its focus on pro-Israel advocacy, Jewish pride, and promoting “love of Torah.”

Eretz Hakodesh, an Orthodox slate whose debut in the last election helped tip the balance of power at the World Zionist Congress in favor of the right-wing bloc for the first time, placed third with about 29,000 voters. Mercaz USA, representing Conservative Judaism, was fourth with 28,000 votes, and Orthodox Israel Coalition-Mizrachi, the political arm of Modern Orthodoxy, secured about 27,000 votes.

In all, 22 slates competed in the U.S. election, up from 14 in 2020 — a sign of growing political, religious and generational diversity among American Jews. The election, administered by the American Zionist Movement, took place from March 10 to May 4, with 224,237 valid votes cast online and an additional 6,020 by mail.

“American Jews have spoken — through their record-breaking turnout in the 2025 World Zionist Congress election, they have powerfully demonstrated that Zionism in the United States is not only alive and well but stronger than ever,” said AZM executive director Herbert Block.

“Thanks to this historic participation in the election, U.S. Jewry is poised to make an indelible mark when the World Zionist Congress gathers in October.”

The record turnout was marred by the discovery of what election officials described as “serious voting irregularities.” According to the AZM, an investigation uncovered schemes involving prepaid credit cards and anonymized emails used to fraudulently submit ballots on behalf of five slates. A sixth slate was found to have benefited from invalid paper registrations.

As a result, 18,948 ballots were disqualified and excluded from the vote totals. Officials have not named the slates involved and say further penalties may follow pending the results of continuing investigations and legal challenges.

The AZM said it would release the final delegate allocations after additional reviews and once pending cases before the AZM Tribunal and the Zionist Supreme Court, the World Zionist Congress’s judicial authority in Jerusalem, are resolved.

The World Zionist Congress, established by Theodor Herzl in 1897, meets every five years and serves as the governing body of the World Zionist Organization. It influences leadership appointments and funding decisions across major Israeli and Jewish institutions, including the Jewish Agency, which is involved in immigration and the Jewish National Fund, which has power over land use across large swaths of the country.

The 39th Congress will convene in Jerusalem from Oct. 28 to 30.

Half of Holocaust survivors alive today will be dead in 6 years, new analysis finds

Jewish Telegraph Association — Thu, 24 Apr 2025 16:47:02 +0000

(JTA) — Almost all of the Holocaust survivors alive today will be dead in 15 years, a new projection by a leading organization advocating for their compensation finds.

While the timeline is something of an actuarial inevitability — the Holocaust ended 80 years ago, meaning that all survivors are octogenarians at least already — the projection marks the first time that the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, or Claims Conference, has attempted to plot out a trajectory for the disappearance of survivors.

The median age of survivors today is 87 and nearly half will die by 2031, according to the analysis, which was timed to Yom Hashoah, the Jewish Holocaust memorial day. By 2040, 90% are expected to die, leaving a total remaining population estimated around 21,300.

But the decline in survivor population is not equal across the 90 countries where they currently reside, the report found. In Israel, which is home to the largest number of Holocaust survivors, the population is expected to fall by 43% by 2030, where only 39% of U.S. survivors are projected to die by then.

In the former Soviet Union, on the other hand, a 54% decline in the number of living survivors is projected over the next five years. By 2030, the analysis found, just 11,800 survivors will remain there.

The analysis comes a year after the Claims Conference’s first-ever exhaustive tally of living survivors, which found that about 240,000 people who experienced the Holocaust were still alive. The organization says the findings underscore how important it is to find new ways to hear and document survivors’ stories, which it has made a centerpiece of its work since successfully negotiating compensation from countries whose Jews were persecuted during the Holocaust.

“This report provides clear urgency to our Holocaust education efforts; now is the time to hear first-hand testimonies from survivors, invite them to speak in our classrooms, places of worship and institutions,” says Gideon Taylor, president of the Claims Conference. “It is critical, not only for our youth but for people of all generations to hear and learn directly from Holocaust survivors. This report is a stark reminder that our time is almost up, our survivors are leaving us, and this is the moment to hear their voices.”

Currently, more than 1,400 Holocaust survivors are estimated to be over the age of 100, according to the report. Since last year’s tally, the world’s oldest survivor has been replaced. Rose Girone died at 113 in February; now, Malka Schmulovitz, a 109-year-old Holocaust survivor from Lithuania living in Florida, is one of the oldest living survivors advocating for awareness of her generation’s stories.

“To be one of the oldest survivors alive right now at my age tells me we are running out of time. We all have a testimony that needs to be shared,” Schmulovitz says. “We all want to be sure that this generation of young people and the ones that come after them, hear and understand what truly happened during the Holocaust; if only so that we do not see it repeated.”