While we knew there was a chance a war might break out, our nephew and niece were having a baby, and we were meeting our sister and brother in Zichron Ya’akov to celebrate.  Zichron, as the Israelis call it, is an idyllic, small hill town 30 minutes south of Haifa with great ice cream.

 Just before our arrival, our great nephew was born after two girls. We were to be there for the Bris. Then things started to change.

• Israeli airspace closed.

• Our sister and brother’s flight was diverted to Athens two hours outside Tel Aviv.

• We were thrown into Israeli wartime life.

War in Zichron Ya’akov

We were staying at the beautiful ELMA Luxury Art Hotel overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. The hotel has three shelters. One in the underground parking lot (-4); one in a more comfortable building but without internet; a safe room in the gym.  To get to -4 was a 15-minute walk. We got it down to 6 minutes. BUT if it’s a rocket you only have 90 seconds to get there safely.  So, after many trips to -4, we opted for the gym, which was under 90 seconds from our room and more comfortable, if not quite as safe, but this was Zichron.

 If you look at the Home Front Command app warning map, which is new for each missile/rocket launched, Zichron is among the safest places in Israel as it is out of the range of the Hezbollah rockets and not a place of interest for Iran with few people and no strategic sites. Still, people are vigilant and take all this seriously.

Each night we had dinner at our nephew and niece’s home with their three children.  Our nephew made delicious meals as we gathered around their table.

 The Bris became a private event for 30 as public gatherings were not allowed.  It was still marvelous with a joyous welcome to our newest family member, Noam Avraham Levin. The maternal Safta grew up in Egypt in the Karaite community, so we experienced his rich traditions for a Brit melah where the ceremony parallels a Jewish wedding…heartfelt and meaningful.

 Accompanied by music, the baby was escorted in by the mother carrying him on a pillow and flanked by the maternal and paternal grandmothers. He was presented to the mother’s uncle who walked back and forth seven times.  The baby was then placed on the father’s lap on the pillow.

 With 35 years of experience, the most amazing mohel performed the circumcision in the blink of an eye with nary a peep from the baby.

 Both grandfathers delivered beautiful tributes to the baby and family. Neill and I were honored to be stand in grandparents for our diverted sister and brother.

 Since it was Purim, our nephew had arranged a chanting of the Megillah. With 13 grandchildren, parents, and grandparents, the groggers sounded loud each time Haman’s name was mentioned. Kids and some adults were in costume, many with face paint. 

 Midway through the Megillah reading we got an email from our hotel that they were closing the next day after breakfast. We would deal with that later. It was a gorgeous day, so we decided to walk the mile and a quarter back to our hotel.

Visitors to Zichron 

Our first visitor of the afternoon was a close friend we call “Mr. Israel”. During his drive to Zichron from Tel Aviv, he had to stop under an overpass as a siren sounded. He showed us a video of the Iron Dome intercepting a missile right next to where he was. Incredible! He counseled us to move to Tel Aviv, and we set a plan to help us exit the country in time for my upcoming scans and next chemo infusion.

 Our second visitor was a friend who now lives in Caesaria, 10 kilometers south of Zichron.  We had a heartfelt catch up and were all grateful for the time together. He came despite his daughter’s concern.  His Sabra wife understood.

 The next morning our beloved driver, Moti, picked us up to drive to Tel Aviv. Thankfully, it was uneventful.

Tel Aviv – a horse of a different color

Within our first five hours in Tel Aviv, we were in the shelters more times than we were in five days in Zichron.  By now, Hezbollah had entered the war. The northern Galilee towns were once again evacuated. As the Upper Galilee is the San Francisco Bay Area Federation’s sister community, we were all too familiar with what that meant. Both Neill and I served on the San Francisco Jewish Federation’s Overseas Committee (me as chair), and we have visited Israel more than 40 times.

 A member of our hotel’s security team educated us on the difference between a missile from Iran which takes 9 to 10 minutes to arrive in Israel, and a rocket from Southern Lebanon fired by Hezbollah, which arrives in 90 seconds.  While the Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and other interceptor systems are amazing, they are not perfect so one MUST do exactly as prescribed to remain safe.

 Our new hotel in Tel Aviv had a mamad-like shelter on each floor.  These are inside the building; the rooms have no windows and a special door that protects from the bombs should they hit where you are. It’s what most people have in their homes. Then there is a -4 underground parking shelter, which is the safest, but takes longer to get there, and a Safe Room at -2.  We were in all of them for one siren or another. Staff was wonderful making sure everyone got into the shelter and the door was properly closed. Everyone goes into the shelter, and anyone outside who wants to come in is included. People talk to each other and exchange stories. It’s instant camaraderie. 

 Tel Aviv is a top place of interest for Iran so many missiles came our way, and we experienced many days of in and out of the shelters. On Shabbat they particularly wanted to disrupt our special day; seven times in the shelter from Shabbat dinner until 5 am the following morning. We were having Shabbat dinner with our cousin and her family when the first alarm sounded just as we were finishing our soup. Down we went to the shelter where the many children instantly started to play.

 Like 10 million Israelis, we trusted the IDF to protect us and to let us know exactly when we needed to head to a shelter. Two apps guide you.

Life goes on.

As the U.S. and Israel weakened Iran and Hezbollah, restrictions in Israel began to loosen. Our most amazing highlight was a remarkable visit to the National Library of Israel in Jerusalem. We were privileged to have more than two hours with the chair of the board and CEO of NLI. We left with a deep understanding of this most remarkable institution by, for, and of the people of Israel and the Jewish Diaspora. If you have not been able to visit, put it at the top of your list. If you can’t visit, sign up for free and explore their website (nli.org.il) to your heart’s content. We promise it is like no other library you will have ever visited. If you think we are exaggerating, ask my childhood friend, Art Sandler, who serves on the NLI U.S.A. board.

 We enjoyed a bonus visit with our family in Jerusalem before heading back to Tel Aviv.  The next day we had more visits with family and friends, including another childhood friend from Norfolk, Joyce Bigio, who lives in Tel Aviv.

 Tel Aviv also claims one of the most beautiful waterfront promenades, and we took advantage of getting some fresh air and watching everything from yoga to volleyball to beach paddle ball, fitness training, joggers, and dog walkers all enjoying Shabbat in their own way. 

 The two weeks passed so quickly and despite our unique circumstances of war, we chose to make lemonade out of lemons with every step. Although we were diligent, we were never afraid. Israelis are strong and brave and grasp life like no one else. We tried to follow in their footsteps. 

 Am Yisrael Chai.

A Norfolk native, Linda Snyder Brownstein and her husband, Neill, live in Deer Valley, Utah 

Reading the Purim megillah in a school bomb shelter near my synagogue. We closed the door when the siren sounded, causing us to lose the internet connection we were using to broadcast the megillah reading over Zoom.

Grilling barbeque. After the siren, I had just seconds to grab my burgers, kebabs and sausages off the open-air grill so they wouldn’t burn or be snatched by an enterprising cat.

While grocery shopping at a Rami Levy supermarket, I and other shoppers were herded into the bomb shelter that doubles as the supermarket synagogue (a common feature of Rami Levy supermarkets).

Going to sleep; in a deep sleep; about to wake up.

On a walk to the corner park for a breath of fresh air, then sprinting home to make it to shelter in time.

On work calls; doing work; thinking about doing work.

While writing a piece about what it’s like to live in Israel during the latest war with Iran.

To be sure, I am among the fortunate ones. My home was built with a mamad — the Hebrew word that’s an acronym for “apartment safe space.” Mandated by a 1992 law for all new construction, these reinforced safe rooms include walls designed to withstand explosives of a certain level of intensity, a shatterproof window protected by a heavy steel shutter, and a thick, steel door.

Originally meant to protect Israelis from the sorts of gas attacks that Iraq’s Saddam Hussein threatened to use during the 1991 Gulf War, the safe rooms were used on Oct. 7 by Israelis living in communities near Gaza to shelter from Hamas assailants — with varying degrees of success. The doors and windows proved to be bullet-proof, but Hamas attackers managed to force their way into some of the rooms nonetheless, including by setting fire to homes.

Mamads are a terrific convenience. I can put my children to sleep in the private bomb shelter, and they usually sleep right through the sirens at night. I don’t have to share my shelter with strangers, or run outside and into some dank public shelter filled with dead cockroaches, as others do who live in older buildings without mamads. I don’t have to lay down to rest in subway stations, like friends in Tel Aviv.

But mamads are not bombproof. They weren’t built to withstand ballistic missile attacks, and a direct strike by an Iranian missile or drone likely will destroy a mamad and kill its occupants. That’s exactly what happened when an Iranian missile struck a shelter in the Israeli city of Beit Shemesh on Sunday night, killing nine people and wreaking a wide radius of devastation.

So, in this war mamads are part psychological shield, part actual protection. They’ll withstand deadly shrapnel and some indirect explosions, but they have their limits.

Inside the mamad, we hear all kinds of sounds of war. There are the shuddering booms of Israel’s anti-missile defenses firing, and massive metallic bangs that my wife thinks are falling shrapnel or missiles strikes in the vicinity. I’m not sure what they are, and when I asked a missile expert I know who helped design the Arrow system about them, he refused to answer me.

We hear Israeli warplanes. It’s not clear whether they’re patrolling the skies above our heads as a defense measure or are en route to bombing runs in Iran.

Perhaps the most startling sound of all is the blaring mobile phone notification we get alerting of an incoming rocket attack and warning us to be close to a bomb shelter. The earsplitting, high-frequency alert is a very nasty sound to wake up to at 4 a.m., especially when it arrives in stereo from the four different mobile phones in our house.

Then we must wait several minutes to learn if we’ll actually get an air raid siren or not. When the siren comes, we supposedly have 90 seconds to reach shelter, but the booms often start sooner than that.

As in many homes, our family has a running debate over when it’s safe to exit the mamad. Is 10 to 12 minutes from the time of the air raid siren sufficient, or do we have to wait for the official all-clear phone alert? Sometimes, we get another air raid siren before the 10-minute count is up, and the clock starts all over again.

With in-person school canceled for the foreseeable future, all my children are home all the time, and we’ve started to get on each other’s nerves. But in the middle of the night, nobody complains when we crowd into the mamad and share blankets and small camping mattresses on the floor so we all can lie down.

The people subject to Israeli and U.S. bombardment have it much worse. Their leaders invested in ballistic missiles, attack drones and other weapons of war. We have those too, but we also developed sophisticated alert systems, in-house safe rooms, bomb shelters and, crucially, a variety of anti-missile defenses: Iron Dome for shorter-range missiles, like those fired by Hezbollah and Hamas; the Arrow, which counters ballistic missiles in the upper atmosphere and lower space; the new Iron Beam, a laser that works like the Iron Dome; David’s Sling, designed for medium-range ballistic missiles.

And, of course, there is the Israeli Air Force, which shoots down missiles en route and bombs missile-launching systems on the ground in enemy territory.

If Israel’s enemies were more concerned with the welfare of their own people rather than attacking the Jewish state, perhaps we wouldn’t have this war in the first place.

I’d write more, but there goes the air raid siren again (no joke)!

 Indeed, since Oct. 7, Israel has waged a multifront war to defend itself against terrorists and their sponsors. Despite navigating a wide array of views among our own members about how Israel should execute the war, Diaspora communities have stood by Israel while facing resurgent and lethal antisemitism.

 Yet now, forces in Israel’s own government are threatening a war on another front — against the Jewish people itself. And it is the prime minister who is silent.

 Members of his coalition are pushing legislation in the Knesset that would prohibit any religious services or activities at the Kotel that do not meet the approval of the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) chief Rabbinate. Under the bill, anyone who publicly leads or engages in prayer contrary to the Rabbinate’s directive would face up to seven years in jail.

 As leaders of two of the largest global Jewish movements, which together represent more than 3 million Jews, we know too well what would happen if this became law. Egalitarian, non-Orthodox approaches, such as mixed seating, would be banned. Women would have no space to read Torah or lead prayer. Birthright Israel and many others would no longer have a place to gather as a mixed group at Judaism’s holiest site.

 Think of thousands of families from places such as Florida, New Jersey, Buenos Aires, Tel Aviv, and beyond who want to celebrate their daughter’s bat mitzvah in an intergenerational moment of Jewish pride at our holiest site in our holiest city — only to face seven years in prison.

 And the prime minister is silent.

 This legislation is just the latest challenge in our movements’ years-long efforts to secure religious pluralism at the Kotel. We know that touching the stones and feeling closer to the ancient Holy of Holies can offer deep spiritual and religious connections. That’s why the Kotel should be a strong symbol of Jewish resilience, unity and spirit. It should reflect the diversity of our people and our approaches to prayer and Jewish life.

 In 2016, a previous Netanyahu-led government approved a compromise to establish a new section of the Kotel for egalitarian prayer to recognize that pluralism. In that area, located south of the more established space run according to haredi tradition, families and groups may gather without a mechitza, or separation by gender. Liberal Jews can pray and celebrate according to our traditions and practices.

 Yet, after a lengthy and challenging negotiation process in which all parties made painful compromises, Netanyahu immediately set the agreement aside, and successive governments have never fully implemented the plan.

 In practice, the southern egalitarian prayer section is a vibrant space, with thousands coming daily for prayer and to celebrate b’nai mitzvah and other happy occasions. However, even as the Israeli government provides millions of shekels annually for upkeep of the northern section of the Kotel, it has refused to provide equal or adequate funding for security and upkeep to the southern section. Our space lacks full access for those with physical disabilities, its flooring is rotting, and visitors have not been able to touch the actual wall since a stone fell there seven years ago.

 Last month, the Israeli Supreme Court took an important step to push the government to fulfill its 2016 commitment by directing it to stop dragging its feet and finally meet its obligations. In response, MK Avi Maoz, with the support of Justice Minister Yariv Levin and others within the current governing coalition, has sponsored the bill demanding that the entire Kotel, including the area of pluralistic Jewish expression, be brought under the Chief Rabbinate’s control.

 By aligning with only the 15% of Jews worldwide who are haredi, Maoz is declaring war against the vast majority of the Jewish people. Despite the dream articulated in Hatikvah to be “a people living freely in their Land,” there will be no freedom of religion at Israel’s holiest site. Extremism and coercion will be the law of the land.

 Maoz and his allies see the vitality of non-haredi religious expression as something to be controlled and repressed — not just at the Kotel, but throughout the State of Israel and beyond.

 In contrast, we believe in religious pluralism and Jewish unity, without seeking to tell others how to “do Jewish.” We see it as a sign of strength and vibrancy and know that true Jewish unity does not require uniformity of practice or approaches to prayer.

 That stance should start with the prime minister.

 Our Diaspora communities have “fought, fought, fought” for Jewish strength and Israel for generations, and especially since Oct. 7. It’s time for the prime minister to “fight, fight, fight” for the unity and strength of the Jewish people, demand that members of his coalition reject this bill and respect Jewish pluralism.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of JTA, its parent company, 70 Faces Media, Jewish News, or United Jewish Federation of Tidewater.

An evening with MAJ John W. Spencer, USA (Ret.)

Wednesday, December 3, 7:30 pm, Sandler Family Campus, Free

In an era where global conflicts are increasingly fought in dense urban environments, understanding the strategic, moral, and humanitarian dimensions of modern warfare has never been more critical. Few experts combine battlefield experience with public education as effectively as MAJ John W. Spencer, USA (Ret.), executive director of Urban Warfare Institute.

  A veteran of more than 25 years, Spencer has held every rank from Private to Major, serving in elite units, including the 75th Ranger Regiment and 173rd Airborne. His deployments to Iraq, leadership in Ranger School, and strategic advisory work at the Pentagon and West Point give him a rare perspective on urban combat. Today, he continues to shape military thinking as a colonel in the California State Guard and as director of Urban Warfare Training for the 40th Infantry Division.

 Spencer is a leading voice on the Israel-Hamas conflict, confronting misinformation while defending Israel’s right to self-defense. In The Washington Free Beacon, he called the U.N. Genocide Report against Israel “an assault on critical thinking,” and in The Washington Post, he explained why “a siege on Gaza City is not a war crime.” His Jerusalem Post articles highlight Israel’s humanitarian efforts and counter false claims of genocide.

 Spencer’s research spans conflicts from Nagorno-Karabakh to Ukraine, focusing on the challenges of urban warfare while minimizing civilian harm. As he notes in The New York Post, “The US-Israel Gaza aid plan is working—which is why Hamas is spreading lies about it.” Through his books, Understanding Urban Warfare and Connected Soldiers, and his Urban Warfare Project Podcast, Spencer shares insights into strategic planning, tactical execution, and moral clarity in war.

 He also addresses broader regional dynamics – from Egypt’s role in Gaza’s humanitarian crisis to Israel’s protection of the Druze in Syria – showing Israel’s commitment to responsibility even in complex conflicts.

 This event is a rare opportunity to hear directly from one of the world’s foremost urban warfare experts. For more information or to RSVP, which is required by Monday, December 1, visit JewishVA.org/Spencer or contact Nofar Trem, UJFT’s Israel engagement manager, at NTrem@ujft.org.  

 Additional security measures will be in place; please have ID ready and allow extra time for check-in. 

Israel in Focus is a Jewish Federations of North America partnership with AJC, the Conference of Presidents, ADL, and AIPAC. Presented by the Jewish Community Relations Council of the United Jewish Federation of Tidewater as part of the 15th Annual Israel Today Forum. 

David Leon is immediate past president of the United Jewish Federation of Tidewater.

The government postponed official remembrances until the day after the Simchat Torah holiday that bookends Sukkot rather than the Gregorian anniversary. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu came under fire for initially failing to acknowledge Oct. 7 directly, writing a social media post that read simply “Happy Sukkot.”

The convergence of the festival’s religiously required joy with the memory of mass death set off a broader debate over whether celebration and grief could coexist. Some religious leaders and community groups, including the Reform movement, urged weaving remembrance into holiday rituals — lighting candles, reading names, adding prayers for the fallen — while others argued that Sukkot’s happiness should remain intact, with official mourning deferred.

Some Israelis traveled south to visit sites of the attacks, including at official memorials at some of the kibbutzim that were devastated on Oct. 7. Travel is prohibited on the first day for those who adhere to traditional interpretations of Jewish law.

Even among the bereaved, observance varied. British-Israeli Gaby Young Shalev, whose younger brother Nathanel Young, a soldier, was killed in action on Oct. 7, said her family chose to celebrate the festival with friends and relatives before turning to commemoration.

 “I tried not to think about the fact that it’s Oct. 7. Because I really think it’s important that we don’t let these atrocities of Oct. 7 ruin our chagim,” she said, using the Hebrew word for Jewish festivals.

But once the holiday day ended on Tuesday evening, Young, her parents and sister Miriam went to Tel Aviv’s Yarkon Park for the Oct. 7 memorial organized by Kumu (“Rise Up”), an initiative set up by families of victims and hostages as a counterpoint to the official state ceremony.

The event was livestreamed globally and screened simultaneously at Hostages Square. It opened with released hostage Agam Berger performing the theme from Schindler’s List on violin. Between speeches from hostage relatives, bereaved families, and released captives, well-known Israeli musicians performed on a stage that was a tableau of symbols: a burned-out car like those destroyed along the Gaza border, encircled by red crown anemones — the national flower and an emblem of remembrance — a bullet-riddled bomb shelter, and 48 suspended yellow chairs representing each hostage still in Gaza.

Singer Yuval Rafael, who survived the Nova festival massacre and later represented Israel at Eurovision, sang with Daniel Weiss, whose parents were murdered by Hamas. Zvi Zussman, father of Maj. Gen. (res.) Ben Zussman, killed in December 2023, recited the Yizkor prayer, while Elchanan Danino, whose son Ori was kidnapped and later murdered in captivity, recited the Mourner’s Kaddish.

Eurovision contestant Eden Golan addressed the livestream in English, saying the nation “had been holding its breath” for two years and calling for the release of the 48 hostages still held in Gaza. She performed I’m Coming Home as images of hostages filled the screen behind her. The crowd erupted in chants of “Everyone, Now,” the slogan that has become shorthand for demanding their return.

Unlike last year, the memorial was open to the general public and drew an estimated 30,000 people. In 2024, 50,000 tickets had been reserved by the public, but organizers were forced to curtail attendance to the press and victims’ families amid security threats. For Young, the crowd’s size this year conveyed a collective response beyond those most directly affected.

“It’s a reminder that it’s not just about the bereaved families or the families of hostages,” she said. “The whole country is mourning.”

At last year’s memorial, Young told the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that it was the first time her brother’s death had truly sunk in. In the months before, she said, her family’s grief had been buffered by “happy” distractions — the birth of her twins, her parents’ aliyah from the United Kingdom, and the flurry of projects created in Nathanel’s memory. But as another year passed and she returned to the same spot this October, the sense of loss felt sharper. The passage of time, she said, had made his absence harder, not easier.

“We realize that Nathanel’s not just on a long holiday, but that he’s not actually coming back,” she said. The release last month of the army’s year-long investigation into what happened on his base that morning, she added, made the loss feel newly immediate. Still, “we live life with a lot of purpose,” she said. “We keep his spirit alive by asking, even in the most everyday situations, what would Nat do?”

Young said she resonated deeply with an image shared on stage by fellow bereaved speaker Tomer Zak, whose parents and younger brother were killed in the attacks. Zak compared herself to a tree that had lost its leaves but whose roots remained strong. For Young, the metaphor captured the tension between devastation and resilience.

“When other people look at it from the outside they’re like, how can this person continue with their lives? But the memory and the light from the person we lost, from Nathanel, makes us keep going, makes us stronger. It gives us these magic powers — you basically want to do all these things for them,” she said.

To that end, the family have set up a memorial fund in his name to support projects for youth at risk, including young people with ADHD and other forms of neurodivergence.

A few miles east in Bnei Brak, the atmosphere was strikingly different. Late at night, Hasidic music blasted from the Beit Hashem synagogue during a simchat beit hashoeva — a Sukkot celebration where worshippers dance and play music late into the night during the holiday’s midweek nights. Men in fur streimels streamed inside while children chased one another through the narrow alleys.

Asked about the tension between celebration and mourning, several attendees said they were unaware the Gregorian anniversary of Oct. 7 had arrived. Down the road, emissaries of the Chabad-Lubavitch movement had erected a roadside sukkah draped with yellow Mashiach flags — contrasting with the yellow hostage ribbons ubiquitous at the Tel Aviv memorial — and were handing cotton candy to children.

Yossi, one of the Chabad volunteers, said the date did not change their message. “We pray every day for the return of the hostages and the safe return of the soldiers. In all our daily prayers and also when we read from the Torah,” he said.

A woman in a tank top said that despite identifying herself as secular, the attack’s timing would fix the memory to the Hebrew calendar. “I can’t separate from the fact that it happened on Shabbat and also such a joyous festival — Simchat Torah. [Hamas] took that from us forever.”

In Holon, south of Tel Aviv, Eyal Golan spent the day at home. His youngest sister Shirel, a Nova festival survivor, died by suicide shortly before the first anniversary of the attacks. He could not bring himself to attend a memorial, he said, but added that looking after his two small daughters, the youngest of whom is a newborn, took precedence.

“The mental is affecting the physical,” he said of the migraines he was suffering. “I felt a sense of emptiness all day and I struggled with my own PTSD just to function.”

As the event in the Yarkon Park wrapped up, the crowd stood to sing Israel’s national anthem. For Young, the moment tied mourning to resolve. “It’s a collective grief but also a collective hope, that’s how I felt at the end of Hatikvah. Yes, we are all grieving, but there’s something with Am Yisrael, with the Jewish people and with Israeli people. We keep going.”

Excerpts from a recent interview with the Shinshinim:
Nofar Trem: What made you apply for the Shinshinim program?
Noga Yaniv: I was introduced to this program by my youth movement coordinator, and since then, it has been my goal to be a part of it! I believe this role plays a vital and inspiring part in strengthening the bond between Israel and Jewish communities worldwide.
Yarden Lahan: It has been my dream since I was in 9th grade, when I first heard about this program. I think it is such an important and amazing job to maintain the connection between Israel and the Jewish communities around the world.

NT: What previous experience do you have in America?
NY: As a gift for both my sister’s and my bat mitzvah, we traveled to the United States.
In 2016, we visited California and the West Coast, and in 2019, we went to New York and the East Coast. I loved everything about these trips, and I can’t wait to be back very soon!
YL: I have never been to America, but I do have some family in San Francisco. I am so excited to see with my own eyes all the wonderful things I’ve heard about!

NT: Is there anywhere you would like to visit while you are in America?
NY: I want to see the small towns and unique spots that most people overlook.
YL: I really want to see the beaches, the mountains, and of course, Sephora!

What would you like the community to know about you?
NY: I am so eager to arrive in Tidewater! I can’t wait to meet everyone, explore, engage, and learn.
YL: I am not the best at English so if at first, I stutter a little bit or ask you to repeat what you said, please be patient with me, I promise I’ll get used to it!

The community is encouraged to meet Noga Yaniv and Yarden Lahan at PJ Library in Tidewater’s End of Summer Shabbat on Friday, August 22. Register and purchase tickets at JewishVA.org/EOS-Shabbat.

Those who are interested in taking the girls out on an adventure, hosting them for a meal, bringing them to an organization, or getting to know them better over coffee, go to JewishVA.org/Shinshinim or contact Nofar Trem at NTrem@UJFT.org. Keep up to date on the exciting things they have in store for Tidewater on the United Jewish Federation of Tidewater’s Facebook page.

In May 2023, the United Jewish Federation of Tidewater hosted Ben Peter, owner of Tel Aviv’s PhotoHouse and grandson of its founder Rudi Weissenstein, for Tidewater’s community celebration of Israel @ 75. Weissenstein was one of the preeminent photographers in pre-state Israel, and the PhotoHouse contains tens of thousands of his negatives in its archive. Prints of some of his photographs are now on permanent display at the Sandler Family Campus.

In June, the PhotoHouse was struck by an Iranian missile and was severely damaged. The article below was originally published on “The Librarians,” the National Library of Israel’s official online publication. The National Library of Israel is a UJFT partner, and its collections have been featured in multiple exhibits and events at the Simon Family JCC.

More of the library’s content is available at www.blog.nli.org.il/en. Support the PhotoHouse by visiting https://www.thephotohouse.co.il/en. Product orders and donations will help support its speedy restoration.

Yael Ingel, June 30, 2025
The historic PhotoHouse shop on Allenby Street in Tel Aviv was severely damaged in a recent Iranian missile attack. But what exactly was the life’s work of photographer Rudi Weissenstein, and why does it hold a special place in so many hearts?

The treasures of the PhotoHouse were saved by sheer luck. The missile that destroyed the historic storefront on Tel Aviv’s Allenby Street landed in the early morning, when the shop was empty. It happened on Monday, June 16, 2025. Mai Masarwa, the shop’s manager, shared that she was horrified when she arrived to find the store shattered and in ruins. By chance, the store and the priceless archive it houses, containing tens of thousands of negatives capturing rare images from Israel’s early years, did not catch fire. Mai estimated that the missile fell just 50 meters from the shop.

But the beloved establishment didn’t remain in ruins for long. Friends and relatives nearby helped assess the extensive damage and begin clearing the chaos inside. A civilian command center set up by the Tel Aviv municipality quickly dispatched volunteers eager to lend a hand. Equipped with gloves, they arrived and began removing debris and shards of glass scattered everywhere. To Mai’s great relief, she discovered that the true treasures had survived unscathed.

The PhotoHouse, also known as “Pri-Or,” is a cultural gem that has stood in the same location since the British Mandate era. This is the legendary shop of photographer Rudi Weissenstein, home to his vast archive of hundreds of thousands of historical photos. Although the building underwent renovations, completed just two years ago, its original location has been preserved. The PhotoHouse is a treasure trove of Israeli history, especially from the time of the state’s founding and its first few decades. Several years ago, the National Library of Israel began digitizing Weissenstein’s work, and today tens of thousands of photos from his extensive, rare collection are preserved at the Library and accessible to all.

In recent years, the PhotoHouse has become not only a destination for photography enthusiasts and lovers of paper products who want to bring a touch of Rudi’s unique perspective into their homes, but also a cultural hub, hosting lectures, workshops, events, and exhibitions by Israeli artists. Today, Rudi’s grandson, Ben Peter Dagan, leads the PhotoHouse’s activities. Mau has managed the shop for the past seven years, and it feels like a second home to her.

Rudi (Rudolf) Weissenstein was born in Czechoslovakia in 1910. At the age of eight, he received a camera from his father, an amateur photographer, and from that point on he never parted with it. He studied graphic design and photography at Vienna’s Higher Federal Institution for Graphic Education and Research, along with humanities courses. When Rudi began his career as a photojournalist for the Czech Foreign Ministry magazine in Prague, he quickly understood the value of a negatives archive and the importance of preserving and documenting it. This principle guided him throughout his career. One of the greatest strengths of the collection Rudi left behind is its meticulously organized archive, with detailed records of when each photo was taken and who and what appears in it, making it easy to navigate and search.

A Zionist upbringing at home, combined with a number of antisemitic incidents, led Weissenstein to immigrate to Israel in 1935. It was then that he met his wife, Miriam, who became his partner in life and in the photography business he established. Over the next 45 years as an Israeli photographer, Weissenstein seemed to visit every corner of the young country, documenting its growth through both historic events and everyday moments. His work journals, kept with his photo collection, testify to his tireless dedication and consistent activity from the 1930s through the 1970s.

Weissenstein’s sharp and compassionate eye for the people of his time shines through his many photographs. His connection with the builders of the new nation, from every community and background, and his respect for the country’s Arab residents, are evident throughout his work. He documented not only Tel Aviv, where he lived, but also the development of communities across the country, capturing the daily struggles during the years of austerity with striking honesty. He worked for the British Mandate authorities and later for various institutions in the new state. His love for and appreciation of Israel’s diverse society can be seen in every frame he captured. Even after Rudi’s death in 1992, and Miriam’s passing in 2011, the PhotoHouse has continued to thrive as a vibrant business, preserving and celebrating this rich family and historical archive.

Weissenstein photographed the moments all want to remember, from the declaration of Israel’s independence and the establishment of kibbutzim, cities, and towns, to the founding of important projects in Zionist history. His photographs are exceptional in capturing the full sweep of Israel as a young state. He managed to document not only striking portraits of national leaders, but also ordinary people, from dockworkers and farmers to children playing on the beach.

This article was originally published on The Librarians, the National Library of Israel’s official online publication dedicated to Jewish, Israeli, and Middle Eastern history, heritage and culture.

Permission to reprint by the National Library of Israel. https://blog.nli.org.il/en/.

In the hours before the attack, experts in the region said they thought Israel’s aggressive posture — which prompted the United States to begin moving some personnel out of the Middle East — could have been meant to extract concessions from Iran in its nuclear talks with the Trump administration. They noted that while tensions are rising between Iran and the West over Iran’s failure to abide by past nuclear agreements, no one is yet taking concrete measures against Iran.

 But the situation was fluid enough to worry longtime observers of the region. The threat of military pressure can take on a life of its own, Shira Efron, the research director for the Israel Policy Forum who has advised Israeli governments on defense issues, said before Israel made its move.

“We can argue that the Israeli kinetic threat to attack Iran, could be pressuring the sides to come to an agreement” that Israel favors, which would be the total dismantling of Iran’s nuclear program, she said. The problem with such pressure is that Israel can’t control the outcomes, she said.

“I would advise Israel to sit aside, let the U.S. try to take their time in terms of trying to reach an agreement,” she said. She switched to Hebrew to cite a rabbinic saying: “The work of the righteous is done by others.”

President Donald Trump on Thursday said talks with Iran to forge a deal on its nuclear capabilities were still ongoing. His top envoy negotiating conflict de-escalation, Steve Witkoff, was due in Oman early next week to continue talks with Iran.

“We remain committed to a Diplomatic Resolution to the Iran Nuclear Issue!” Trump said on Truth Social, the social media platform he owns, on Thursday. “My entire Administration has been directed to negotiate with Iran.”

He’d said the same thing earlier in the day. “I’d love to avoid the conflict,” Trump said at a press conference, asked about the prospects of an Israeli attack. “Iran’s going to have to negotiate a little bit tougher, meaning, they’re going to have to give us some things they’re not willing to give us right now.”

Witkoff is seeking a deal that would allow Iran and other countries access to uranium enriched to non-weaponization levels at an offshore facility. Iran is insisting that such a facility be in Iran.

Trump’s oft-stated lack of enthusiasm for military action appeared to put a cramp on any Israeli plans to strike Iran; Israel by most estimations needs U.S. backup to carry out an effective strike.

But Israel has increasingly been seeking to show that it can act alone. And Israeli officials have told their U.S. counterparts that Israel is ready to strike, CBS reported on Thursday, citing unnamed officials.

Asked about the imminence of an Israeli strike, Trump said, “I don’t want to say ‘imminent,’ but it looks like it’s something that could very well happen.”

Here’s what you need to know about where the situation stood before Israel shook it all up with its preemptive strike.

What was happening in terms of pressure on Iran and its nuclear program?

A majority of member nations of the United Nations nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, on Thursday voted to censure Iran for its noncompliance with the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, of which it is a signatory. Iran, the IAEA said, was not allowing inspectors to reach key sites.

That could lead member nations to refer Iran’s noncompliance to the U.N. Security Council, which could snap back sanctions suspended in 2015, when the United States, under President Barack Obama, brokered a sanctions-relief-for-nuclear-rollback deal between much of the world and Iran.

Trump exited the deal in 2018, saying it was worthless, but a number of nations are still parties. Some, especially in Europe, are itching to reimpose the sanctions. European nations, eager a decade ago to come to a deal with Iran, are furious with the country for allying with Russia in its invasion of Ukraine. Britain, France, and Germany have set a deadline of August for Iran to comply, or they will start the snapback process.

 Iran immediately bared its teeth, saying it would enhance its enrichment capabilities, launching a new site and replacing aging centrifuges.

 “The Islamic Republic of Iran has no choice but to respond to this politically motivated resolution,” the foreign ministry said. “Additional measures are also being planned and will be announced in due course.”

Separately, Iran’s defense minister told reporters that if a breakdown in talks results in a conflict Iran “will target all U.S. bases in the host countries.”

Trump on Wednesday confirmed that he ordered the removal of U.S. non-essential personnel within striking range of Iranian missiles. “They are being moved out because it could be a dangerous place, we’ll see what happens,” Trump said, stopped by reporters as he entered the Kennedy Center. “We’ve given notice to move out and we’ll see what happens.”

 Earlier this week, CENTCOM commander Gen. Erik Kurilla told Congress he had laid out for Trump and his defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, a “wide range” of military actions should talks fail.

 But no one had referred the IAEA censure to the Security Council, so sanctions snapbacks were not yet on the table before the attack began.

 So it looks like war. Is the United States involved?

Trump has set multiple deadlines for a deal, but these have come and gone without consequence. One expires this week which may explain the order to pull non-essential personnel from the region and Kurilla’s tough talk in Congress.

But in their most recent call on Monday, Trump told Netanyahu he prefers to wait out talks, Axios reported. And without U.S. backing, Israeli strike options have long been seen to be limited.

Israel would likely need American air cover in a strike on nuclear facilities, powerful U.S. bombs required to breach nuclear facilities buried deep beneath mountains, and American military assistance to repel a counterattack.

 Israeli officials immediately put the entire country on high alert for a counterattack early Friday, warning of a barrage of missiles targeting civilians that could be expected.

The Biden administration rallied to Israel’s side when Israel struck Iran last year in retaliation for Iranian backing for its enemies in its war against Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah and for an intense barrage of Iranian missiles on Israel.

The same pattern is not guaranteed under Trump, said Joel Rubin, a national security analyst who was Obama’s top liaison with Congress during the Iran deal. He noted that Trump recently brokered a deal with Houthi militias in Yemen that ended strikes on U.S. ships traversing adjacent waters — but allowed the militias to keep striking Israel.

“The debate inside [Israeli] military circles is, if Israel were to strike without American support, A, would it be effective in any meaningful way? And B, what would Iran’s reaction be regionally?” said Rubin. “And based upon the fact that Trump was willing to walk away from protecting Israel from Houthi missiles, I think there’s a reason to believe that he would not come to Israel’s defense, like Joe Biden did.”

 Walla, an Israeli online news site, reported on Thursday evening that the Trump administration relayed to Netanyahu that it would not directly assist Israel in an attack on Iran. It was not clear if indirect assistance, such as refueling planes, was off the table, said the news site, which quoted two American officials.

 It was unclear in the immediately aftermath of the attack what kind of strike Israel had conducted. Jason Brodsky, the policy director at United Against a Nuclear Iran, a group that for years has been advocating for the country’s denuclearization, said beforehand that Israel could carry out a limited strike that could send a message.

“What they might do and what Trump might be more comfortable with, instead of a strike taking out the entirety of the nuclear program, they might aim for a more limited strike to send a message to the Iranians that, you know, ‘this is what we’re capable of. It’s going to get worse for you if you continue to reject our overtures,’” he said.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is otherwise politically unpopular, may nonetheless have the backing of a nation still rattled by the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas massacre of hundreds of people inside Israel, which sparked the current Gaza war.

“That triggered Israelis to be much more risk ready,” Brodsky said, adding that Israel may be emboldened by its successes in decapitating the leadership of Hamas and Hezbollah, Brodsky said. For years, Hezbollah’s massive presence in Lebanon was a deterrent to Israeli action against the terrorist group’s principal backer, Iran.

“This is a unique window of opportunity for Israel, given that Hezbollah is so defanged,” he said.

What happens next?

Israel’s attack is likely to do damage to Iran’s military program, but none of its previous strikes have been seen as making substantial inroads against Iran’s nuclear program.

And Iran is unlikely to back down from opposing total denuclearization, said Barbara Slavin, a fellow at the Stimson Center whose expertise is in the U.S.-Iran relationship. Non-weaponized nuclear power is considered a national prerogative.

“This is really wrapped up in the whole notion of independence, which was so central to the Iranian Revolution, and it’s one of the few aspects of the revolution that I still think has resonance for ordinary Iranians who are otherwise furious with their regime,” she said.

Netanyahu’s sine qua non has been total denuclearization, and Israel and its American backers will not back away from it soon.

“Iran cannot be trusted to abide by international norms,” the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, the powerhouse lobby which led advocacy against Obama’s Iran deal, said in a tweet. “No enrichment. Complete dismantlement.”

Mark Dubowitz, the CEO of the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, an influential think tank that has advocated for Iran’s containment, said removing enrichment capabilities was a must.

“The real sunset clause is January 2029, when Trump leaves office,” he said in a text message. “If Iran keeps its enrichment [Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali] Khamenei will wait him out and sprint for the bomb when American power looks weak again. And let’s be honest: The next president, Republican or Democrat, won’t scare him nearly as much as Trump does.”

The problem for Iran regime opponents is that they are no longer preeminent in the Trump administration, as they were in Trump’s first term. Trump has in recent weeks sacked an array of Iran hawks from top National Security Council positions, and leans toward the isolationism embraced by his vice president, J.D. Vance.

“They’re not driving the bus, but they have an influence,” said Trita Parsi, the executive vice president of the Quincy Institute, a leading think tank that advocates against military intervention. “They’re not in the lead any longer, because on fundamental issues, Trump sees that they’re not on the same page.”

Nothing could have emphasized the point more than when Israeli fighter jets lifted off early Friday morning, flying to Iran to stage an attack in direct contravention of Trump’s preferences.