WASHINGTON (JTA)—Israeli settlements are no big problem. Wait—maybe they are, after all.
The Iran deal is trash. No, the deal is here to stay, despite being “weak.”
On Thursday, Feb. 2, the White House pronounced on Israel’s announced settlement expansion that it “may not help” peace, and it put Iran “on notice” for testing ballistic missiles and announced new sanctions while the president fought with the regime on Twitter. Was the settlements announcement a back-to-Obama moment, auguring renewed U.S.-Israel tensions? Was it a return to Bush—W, that is—setting the stage for a compromise and anticipating resolution of an issue that has dogged U.S.- Israel relations for decades?
Is the Iran nuclear deal, reviled by the Netanyahu government, on its last legs? Or is it getting a new lease on life?
Let’s have a look at what President Donald Trump said and what was actually done.
The Trump administration for the first time since his election pronounced on settlements.
“While we don’t believe the existence of settlements is an impediment to peace, the construction of new settlements or the expansion of existing settlements beyond their current borders may not be helpful in achieving that goal,” the White House said in a statement.
Back to Obama?
No, not even close. The Obama administration repeatedly and pronouncedly said settlements were an impediment to peace, and into its final days, it allowed a U.N. Security Council resolution to pass that condemned the settlements.
“It is not this resolution that is isolating Israel, it is the pernicious policy of settlement construction that is making peace impossible,” former Secretary of State John Kerry said in December in one of his final speeches in the job.
Back to Bush?
Closer, but not quite.
Focusing on “the construction of new settlements or the expansion of existing settlements beyond their current borders” sounds a lot like the policy President George W. Bush is said to have endorsed after he sent then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon a letter in 2004, saying the United States recognized that some settlements constituted “realities on the ground.”
Israeli and U.S. officials at the time said Bush quietly agreed that this formulation would allow for “natural growth” in existing settlements. (What’s at dispute is whether Bush adhered to this formula throughout the rest of his presidency. Some officials have said he believed that Sharon took too many liberties with what constituted “natural growth” and that by the time Bush left office in 2009, the agreement to abide “natural growth” was not active.)
The departure from the policies of George W. Bush—considered, with Bill Clinton, the friendliest president to Israel —and their predecessors is in the use of “impediment.” Bush used the word in 2008, at least to describe settlements built beyond existing settlement boundaries.
Sean Spicer, Trump’s spokesman, appeared to say Friday, Feb. 3 during a briefing that what’s built—established settlement, recent outpost, the whole shebang— can stay in place. The key word is “current.”
“We don’t believe that the existence of current settlements is an impediment to peace, but we don’t believe the construction or expansion of settlements beyond current borders is helpful,” he said.
Another major departure from the policies of both Clinton and George W. Bush is the absence of any mention of a two-state solution. Trump has said he wants to broker a deal, and has tapped his Jewish sonin- law, Jared Kushner, as his point man. But Spicer would not be pinned down on two states.
“At the end of the day, the goal is peace, and that’s going to be a subject that they discuss, and that’s all I’m going to say,” he said in response to a reporter’s question, referring to the White House meeting scheduled for Feb. 15 between Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
This might not be the final word. There was a jarring sentence at the end of the Thursday, Feb. 2 White House statement.
“The Trump administration has not taken an official position on settlement activity,” it said, rounding out a statement that of itself was an official position on settlement activity. Translation: Wait until Netanyahu and Trump pow-wow and we may know more.
On Sunday, Jan. 29, Iran tested ballistic missiles. On Wednesday, Feb. 1, National Security Adviser Mike Flynn said Iran was “on notice.” The next two days, Trump followed up with tough-talking tweets. The Iranians dished back, also on Twitter.
Back to Obama?
More or less, without the rhetoric.
The last time Iran tested a ballistic missile, in January 2016, Obama slapped sanctions on 11 entities and individuals. On Friday, Feb. 3, Trump more than doubled that to 25.
The effect is the same: An acknowledgment that the missile tests do not directly violate the Iran nuclear deal, but a reminder nonetheless that because they do violate U.N. Security Council resolutions, they will trigger penalties.
Spicer acknowledged that the sanctions were an Obama redux, noting that their architect in the last administration, Adam Szubin, who ran the sanctions regime for Obama, is acting Treasury secretary.
The sanctions were “in the pipeline,” Spicer said, and Szubin had lined them up well before Trump was inaugurated in anticipation that Iran would launch a provocation of some kind.
“He served in the last administration,” Spicer said of Szubin, “and these kind of sanctions don’t happen quickly.”
That said, there was a ratcheting up of rhetoric. Szubin, as an Obama official a year ago, was specific in describing the penalties.
“We have consistently made clear that the United States will vigorously press sanctions against Iranian activities outside of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action— including those related to Iran’s support for terrorism, regional destabilization, human rights abuses and ballistic missile program,” he said at the time.
Flynn, by contrast, was more vague— and, as a result, at least seemed more threatening.
“As of today, we are officially putting Iran on notice,” he said Wednesday, Feb. 1.
Announcing the sanctions, Flynn again sounded a warning but did not make clear any precise actions.